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Abstract
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This paper describes the family characteristics of 15 Death Row inmates. It documents extraordinary physical and/or sexual abuse in 13 cases. It describes murderous behaviors of parents toward children in 8 cases and documents ongoing hostility and neglect throughout childhood and adulthood. The paper explores the mechanisms by which such abuse may contribute to violent behaviors. It highlights the relevance of these findings to the outcome of sentencing in capital cases.
VioLit summary:
OBJECTIVE:
The goal of this study by Feldman et al. was to explore the family characteristics of 15 death row inmates and how family abuse could contribute to these violent tendencies.
METHODOLOGY:
A non-experimental review of case studies for 15 death row inmates was used for this study. Of the 15, 13 were men and 2 were women. The subjects had been sentenced to death in 5 states; 13 were chosen because they were close to execution, and 2 were selected because they had been the first man and first woman to be charged with capital offenses in states where the death penalty had recently been reinstated. In each set of circumstances, attorneys requested inclusion for purposes of the study's assistance in clemency requests or appeals. Family histories were obtained for each of the inmates. These came from psychiatric evaluations, prior parent and/or sibling interviews with the psychiatrist (3 cases) or investigators/attorneys (9), clinical records from general or psychiatric hospitals or clinics (10), and various other sources including army, prison, school, and juvenile court records. In only one case did the researchers have to rely only on the psychiatric record for the inmate. Five raters were used to determine the presence of the independent variables. Variables examined included filicidal acts, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and violence between parents--all family variables. Filicidal acts were defined as parental behaviors that would likely result in death if not forcefully curtailed. Threats with lethal weapons or statements of intent to kill the child, accompanied by severe physical assault, were also included. Rater agreement was perfect for filicidal acts. Physical abuse was defined as having been punched or being beaten with a stick, board, pipe, or belt buckle. Also included were beating with a switch or belt other than on the buttocks and deliberate cutting, burning, or being thrown across a room. Interrater agreement on physical abuse was .757. Sexual abuse was defined as if, as a child, he/she had been fondled or penetrated by an older person; bodily areas included were breasts, buttocks, genitals, or anus. Also included were instances in which the child was forced to perform sexual acts on an older person. Interrater agreement on sexual abuse was .910. Violence between parents was defined as reports of severe physical fighting between parents ranging from punching and beating each other to the use of weapons. Verbal abuse was not included. Interrater agreement for violence between parents was .986. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data.
FINDINGS/DISCUSSION:
8 of the 15 had been victims of potentially filicidal assaults. These assaults included such acts as being shot at or excessively beaten by a parent and choking. In addition to the 8 subjects who were victims of potentially filicidal acts, 4 were brutally beaten to a point short of actual attempted murder. Extraordinary abuse, then, was found in 12 cases. Of these subjects, 4 were also sexually abused, and 1 who had not been physically abused was sexually abused. Sexual abuse included parents, family members, or acquaintances. 11 of the subjects came from families in which parents/stepparents threatened each other with extreme violence; the acts in 6 of these cases were homicidal. Additionally, one mother was violent toward a man in the presence of the subject; in all, 12 households had extraordinary violence between adults. Indications of severe psychopathology were found in 10 cases. 7 of the subjects had at least one alcoholic parent. 9 subjects received no visits from their family at all. Of the 6 who received visits, 5 received occasional visits from aunts, siblings, or parent (the mother) only occasionally. One man received frequent visits from his young daughter.
AUTHORS' RECOMMENDATIONS:
The authors suggested that studies of transmission of abusive behavior should also focus on transmission of murderous behaviors. They offered several theoretical frameworks that could contribute to the understanding of a parent's contribution to murderous violence in their children. Modeling, the learning of violence through watching others in the environment, was suggested. Organic consequences of abuse, they argued, could be a factor through brain injury and its effects on behavior. Displaced rage from extreme abuse and the inability to direct the anger to the source as a child was also suggested as a contributing factor. Lack of parental attachment and confusion about family membership (even to the point of not knowing who his/her real parents were) was also proposed. This manifested into several consequences including lack of supportive testimony or assistance to the prosecution and concealing of the history of abusive behavior (a potential aid to the defense). Overall, family abuse from childhood became hostility, neglect, and emotional abandonment in adulthood. The authors offered these findings as potentially having significant effects on behaviors and the outcome of sentencing. These, the authors concluded, are points for further research.
EVALUATION:
The research community still knows little about the factors which cause a person to commit capital crimes. This article offers a beginning to the inquiry. The overwhelming finding of extreme familial violence in virtually every case cannot be dismissed, and its potential on the outcome of murder cases is definitely in need of more research. The use of a purposive sample, unavoidable in research of this kind, does inhibit the generalizations that can be made to the over 2,000 inmates on death rows across the country or the determination of risk factors for the rest of the population. Additionally, it was difficult to tell how the particular 15 were selected and where they were selected from. Despite these issues, this study accomplishes what it proposes: to offer some groundwork in understanding the etiology of capital murder. (CSPV Abstract - Copyright © 1992-2007 by the Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, Institute of Behavioral Science, Regents of the University of Colorado)
KW - Child Abuse Effects
KW - Child Abuse Victim
KW - Child Abuse-Violence Link
KW - Child Physical Abuse Effects
KW - Child Physical Abuse Victim
KW - Child Sexual Abuse Effects
KW - Child Sexual Abuse Victim
KW - Child Victim
KW - Childhood Victimization
KW - Childhood Experience
KW - Domestic Violence Effects
KW - Domestic Violence Victim
KW - Incest Effects
KW - Incest Victim
KW - Sexual Assault Effects
KW - Sexual Assault Victim
KW - Inmate Studies
KW - Incarcerated
KW - Death Row
KW - Child Development
KW - Youth Development
KW - Juvenile Development
KW - Juvenile Victim
KW - Homicide Offender
KW - Homicide Causes
KW - Violence Causes
KW - Long-Term Effects
KW - Psychological Victimization Effects
KW - Adult Violence
KW - Adult Offender
Language: en |