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Abstract
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VioLit summary:
OBJECTIVE:
The goal of this article by Harris was to explore Mexican-American gang girls in relation to the larger gang scene in San Fernando valley, CA. The focus was on the gang subculture and the girls' roles in it.
METHODOLOGY:
A non-experimental, ethnographic interview method was employed for this study. Twenty-one female present and former Mexican- American gang members were interviewed. It was not said how the author sampled the population to get these women. Extensive interviews were conducted in both individual and group settings. These took place in a variety of places including the respondents' homes, the author's home, the street, in the barrios, in the park, and in the neighborhood center. The interviews focused on the general topics of the girls' participation in and attitude toward gang activities.
FINDINGS/DISCUSSION:
In general, the place in the gang for the girls was an intensive, cohesive, and significant subgroup in the gang. Some were stronger and more active than the male divisions, and some were more submissive than the male divisions. The context of the Mexican-American gangs was the barrio, and the gangs clearly provided esteem, power, and identity for the youth. Active gang members were 13-16. The gangs were usually named after the street, housing projects, or barrio where they originated. There was close identification with the territory in which the gang resided. Gangs, structurally, were divided into cliques based on age and gender divisions. These operated with some autonomy but were highly loyal to the gang and the neighborhood. The size of the gang corresponded roughly with the size of the barrio, ranging from 30-300. The territorial boundaries for the gangs were dynamic and often changed.
Membership in the core of the gang was similar to being in a total institution---there was complete absorption. The belonging was described as being like membership in a family. In fact, the gang took precedence over its members' families. Interactions were guided by established patterns which were binding on members. These were clearly defined, ritualized, and sanctioned. Meeting challenges from rival gangs helped to establish membership as it was a ritual part of identification with the gang and focused belonging among members. The greater a person was entrenched in the gang, the greater the values of the gang were internalized. These values were the ability and willingness to fight, facing rivals, nor running from a fight, being "bad," being "crazy," being tough, and using drugs. These values made a girl more desirable to the gang. Eligibility for the gang was based on both ascribed and achieved characteristics. In addition to embracing the values previously stated as achieved characteristics, the girls needed to live in the barrio or close to gang activity and most often be of Mexican-American descent. Young girls became affiliated with the gang through adopting manners and dress, copying members, and showing support for the gang before they were fully inducted. They needed to prove their loyalty by demonstrating the ability to fight. Some of the young potential members were as young as age six. The youth generally were socialized to the clique as a reference group. To get rejected by the gang, a girl needed to repudiate the values of the gang or be unable or unwilling to fight.
Reasons to join were listed as a perception of common destiny, sense of belonging and identity need for group support and cohesiveness, and need for revenge. Additionally, the author noted that there was a pervasiveness of violence in the girls' lives either through witnessing or experiencing violence on the street or in the home. Family and school bonds were said to be weak. There were generally low aspirations and isolation from dominant institutions. None had completed high school. The gang was argued to provide a source of status, identity, cohesion, and sense of belonging. These were assisted by the fact that the gang was the most prevalent peer group association in the barrio and was very readily available. The gang elicited high amounts of loyalty through socialization and sanctions. Strong sanctioning was a major part of the work to maintain the membership. Although the girls purported to be independent of their male counterparts, they clearly allowed male domination in many instances. The "homeboys," as they were called, expressed a lot of territoriality over the girls.
Gang activity was frequently found in both formal and informal realms. Formally, they met to complete policy and planning. Informally, the gang was a social outlet for activity. All activity was characterized by frequently heavy drug use. The norms of the gang were said to demand violence and violent acts. The leader of the clique was the fiercest fighter. As violence levels increased, the use of weapons increased. There were four motives for violence identified: honor, local turf defense, control, and gain. Machismo was a pervasive part of the value system and encouraged quick resort to violence. The author stated that these youth live in a subculture of violence in which violence was the preferred method for interaction and problem solving. She also stated that this subculture was inter-generational in that many of the youth's parents had been gang members.
Symbols were an important part of the gang for interpretation of the behavior of other members. Dress, language, symbols, nicknames (for verbal and graffiti use), and uniforms were all manipulated to send messages to other in-group and out-group gang members. Efforts at law enforcement intervention through official detention were not viewed by the members as deterrents but more as secure places.
Leaving the gang for fringe members was as easy as not participating in gang activities. Those more entrenched were met with more resistance and violence. By 17 or 18, the girls often left the gang for pregnancy, marriage, going straight, institutionalization, or graduating to heroin use which took precedence.
EVALUATION:
This article addresses a seriously underresearched area: violent girls. This article adds depth and detail to our understanding of these girls and the relationships between the gang, their sense of selves, and the neighborhoods in which they live. With qualitative research, we cannot make generalizations, however. This study cannot represent more than the perspectives of the 21 girls that the author interviewed. Additionally, some of the observations in the study were made as general statements and not backed up with quotes or other excerpts from the data. Those having to do with identity, particularly, were more summary statements than supported with excerpts. It would be valuable, as well, to see this study linked with Horowitz' work with Chicago Mexican-American gangs and Jankowski's work with LA gangs in general. Overall, this study offers a lot of detail about the lives of these Mexican-American gang women and awaits linkage with the larger body of literature.
(CSPV Abstract - Copyright © 1992-2007 by the Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, Institute of Behavioral Science, Regents of the University of Colorado)
Juvenile Gang
Juvenile Female
Female Offender
Female Gang
Juvenile Offender
Hispanic Offender
Hispanic Juvenile
Hispanic Female
Hispanic Gang
California
Gang Subculture
Juvenile Violence
Gang Violence
Female Violence
Hispanic Violence
Sociocultural Factors
Gang Membership Causes
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