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Abstract
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Introduction
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is defined as the threat of and/or actual physical, sexual, psychological, or verbal abuse and other forms of coercion by a current or former spouse or non-marital partner [1]. IPV is a major health and social concern for women worldwide [2] and there is a need for context-specific knowledge about IPV, its consequences, and how women, families, and communities respond to it, particularly in regions where it has not been well studied [2]. While many studies about IPV have been conducted in the United States, most have focused on the mainland; few have investigated IPV in Hawai'i. The available evidence points to high IPV prevalence (20-36%), a regional variation in risk for women from different ethnocultural backgrounds [3]. However, the social, environmental, and cultural context within which IPV takes place and how women respond to it are not well known. This paper aims to explore women's experiences and responses to IPV, and the specific barriers they face in leaving abusive partners in Hilo, Hawai'i.
Background
Of the 1,404,054 population in Hawai'i in 2013, 38% identifying themselves as Asian, 26% as White, 25% as belonging to multiple ethnicities, and 10% as Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islanders [4]. Approximately 11% of this population lives below the poverty line.
The reported prevalence of IPV in Hawai'i varied from 32% among native Hawaiians, 16% in Filipino and Pacific Islander communities, 10% in Caucasians, and 3% in the Japanese communities [3]. Baker and Naai [5] reported lifetime IPV rates of 20-25% among women aged 18-64 living in Hawai'i. According to the US National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 36% of women in Hawai'i reported being a victim of rape, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner [6]. Various cultural groups perceive their experiences of abuse differently which can result barriers to receiving effective care [7]. For example, Hawaiian language has no term for IPV - the closest equivalent is 'hana'ino,' suggesting an act that is cruel, evil, or injurious, but the term is not limited to human relationships and applies to all forms of mistreatment [8]. Perceptions of IPV among women in most communities in Hawai'i (as is the case in most communities and societies) is reported to be influenced by gender-role socialization, which begins in the home and then reinforced by the community and society [5,9]. According to [10], only a minority of women I Hawai'i report IPV to the authorities. The purpose of our study was to explore women's experiences and responses to IPV in Hilo, and the specific barriers they face in leaving abusive partners.
We used an intersectionality perspective and an ecological/ ecosystemic framework in our analysis. An intersectionality perspective helps capture multiple dimensions of social identity (e.g., gender, race, class) and how multiple and multi-level factors create a higher risk of abuse for some individuals and groups than others [11,12]. Ecosystemic frameworks help clarify how individuals are situated within and influenced by micro- (family), meso- (community), and macro- (societal) systems, and provide insights about how victimization is affected by the dynamic interplay of multilevel influences [11].
Methods
Ethics approval was obtained from the ethics boards at the University of Hawai'i at Hilo and Ryerson University before participant recruitment began. We reviewed a variety of public documents (local newspapers, policy statements, police reports, and unpublished NGO reports), observed women's engagement within their communities (and where appropriate, informally interviewed them), and met with several community organizations that work with women and families who have experienced and/or directly affected by IPV. All observations were recorded as field notes and used in the development of the semistructured interview guide that was used to subsequently conduct oneon- one interviews with women.
We used a combination of convenience sampling and snowball sampling via our community contacts and networks to recruit a diverse group of women. The main criterion for inclusion was that participants had experienced IPV in the context of Hawai'i. Participants were informed verbally and via the consent form of their right to refuse to participate or answer any specific questions, end the interview at any time, and ask any questions of the researcher at any time before, during, or after the interview. We attended to verbal and non-verbal cues to anticipate any signs of undue discomfort or stress; if we observed any, we checked with the participant to see whether she wanted to postpone or end the interview. No participants postponed or ended an interview prematurely or withdrew from the study.
Interviews were conducted at a time that was convenient for each woman at an unmarked office at the University of Hawai'i at Hilo. Participants were provided with an honorarium ($20) to defray the costs of participating (time, transportation, and childcare). Interviews were conducted in English by the first two authors, lasted 1-2 hours on average, and were transcribed verbatim. We read the first three transcripts sentence by sentence to develop an initial coding scheme, which was used to code the remaining transcripts using NVivo 8. Afterward, we compared previously developed codes with new codes to identify commonalities and variations, and to develop subcategories and categories. To ensure trustworthiness, we used method triangulation (field notes and interviews) and peer debriefing and review.
Study Sample
Thirteen women participated in the study. Their age ranged from 19-55 years, education varied from junior high school to university. Eight were employed in unskilled, semi-skilled, and professional jobs, 5 were unemployed. Based on the socio-economic status 7 belonged to very-low to low income groups, and others were of average income. Self-identified ethno cultural and racial backgrounds were as follows: 1 Chinese, 1 Puerto Rican, 1 Black, 1 North American Indian, 1 American, and 8 Mixed. Overall, 3 were born in Hawai'i; others were born on the mainland and had varying lengths of residence in Hawai'i: 9 months (n=1), 8-15 years (n=8), and 18 years (n=1). The number of children for each woman varied between 0-4, and some women had up to 3 children with the abusive partner. At the time of the interviews, all women had left their abusive partners, in some cases, after numerous attempts.
Results
Women who participated in this study described experiences of severe physical violence including choking, kicking, punching, hitting, being beaten with objects, and being dragged on the ground. Verbal abuse (insults, name calling), emotional abuse (threats of more violence, threats to life, threats to harm children), and controlling behaviors, such as restriction of movement (being captured, hijacked, kept in the house, isolation from family and friends, and losing control of possessions and of children) were also prevalent. They also talked about sexual abuse.
Contextual factors related to women's vulnerability to IPV
Various contextual factors were seen to increase women's vulnerability to IPV and also influence women's experiences in seeking recourse. These are discussed in detail in the next section. We use some parts of participants' quotes to label each theme. Pseudonyms are given to identify quotes from different participants.
Contextual factors increasing women's vulnerability to IPV are represented in 4 themes; experiences and history of family violence: "She no listen? Whack her", community tolerance of violence: "An island mentality" , the need for belonging: "Misery loves company" , and patriarchal values: "Titahs …. bull dogs, pit bulls and pig hunting".
Experiences and history of family violence: "She no listen? Whack her"
Participants told stories about various forms of violence in their own families and in their male partners' families. Many recalled witnessing violence experienced by their mother and siblings from their father. In their families, different generations of men and women including grandparents, parents and children were described as perpetrators of violence. One participant said: "My grandmother was abusive to my mom; my mom was abusive to me. They are strong believers in spanking"(Lea). The following excerpts illustrate the experiences of violence within the family:
Our father was very abusive and he couldn't control his anger. He beat on me called me names [long pause] spanked me… and sometimes he wouldn't just hit my bottom, hit my back with a belt. Then it got worse. It went from just spanking me with a belt to punching me with his fists and hitting me in the back of the head because he figured there wouldn't be any marks. When I was 13 years old he was choking my sister (Lana).
Participants also spoke about their abusive partners' childhood experiences of neglect, abuse, and violence, and perceived these as continuing on and becoming part of their own experiences of violence:
He was born here and his dad kidnapped him and his brother from his mom when they were seven and five, his dad used to beat 'em real bad. Then his dad left his new wife for her daughter when she turned 18 and had kids. He was probably molesting her kids too, it's disgusting. So yeah, I mean that's [my partner's] background (Lea).
My partner's father abused the mother. So it's a learned behavior, it's an acceptable behavior. It's like "well, she no listen? Whack her" (Makani).
I think that's where the violence started and how it continues on. I notice that with my husband. His mom used to chase him through pastures so she could hit him (Meli).
For most participants, the family was the context within which violence was learned, accepted, justified, and perpetrated as a norm.
Community tolerance for violence: "An island mentality"
Participants talked about growing up and living in violent neighborhoods that tolerated it because 'everybody gets abused.' They noted that once certain neighborhoods become labeled as 'violent,' people living within and outside it (including law enforcement officials), become indifferent to incidents of violence in these communities:
Violence is condoned here. It is just the way it is here. Windows get kicked out a lot; people are very physically and especially mentally abusive to each other. In a lot of the families, it's just tolerated. It may be an island mentality (Nui).
I don't know if it's like a cycle or something, they just have it in their mind it's like the normal thing. Everyone goes through it (Palani).
If you are experiencing domestic violence, forget it. People either don't acknowledge it, they don't wanna talk about, or they blame it on you, or if they're in it themselves, it's just like "yeah! It's really hard, it totally sucks, and I have no control" (Kaila)
The need for belonging: "Misery loves company"
Participants described a strong need for belonging and the influence peers, family, and neighbors had on their behaviors. For example, alcohol and drug use often began at a young age as a result of peer pressure or because 'everybody takes it.'
The sense of belonging that came from sharing alcohol and drugs was particularly important to cope with various situations that affected their self-esteem and/or sense of belonging such as being bullied in school or moving into a new community.
You go in the bar and there's a whole bunch of people that you are born and raised with. The girl I first smoked weed with [pause], at eight years old, is there. And it's like, what's up. You know. And misery loves company (Kaimi).
I had lots of freckles so, from elementary school the local kids picked on me. When I got into 7th grade, I made this friend, this local chick, and I started smoking weed with her. And that was it. Never again did I get picked on (Palani).
Some participants noted that it was difficult for anyone living in this kind of situation to resist such practices because alcohol and drugs were an integral part of their community, and in order to belong to this community, they believed, it was necessary to adapt these behaviors.
I tried to stay clean but all around me was dope. And these are people I've been smoking with. The minute I walk out my door, they want you to f*****g smoke again (Laka)
I was using drugs, his friends would come over, he would pass out... I was f*****g with his friends. Just, everything, everything became so corrupt and dirty and gross, it all stemmed from this situation, the drugs and the alcohol (Kei).
You see what I'm sayin'? It's so around the dope. That's what is making this really messed up. It intensifies the abuse, its island wide (Nui).
Participants linked alcohol and drug use to the perpetration of family violence and IPV. Women's narratives revealed extensive use of alcohol, drugs such as weed [marijuana], coke [cocaine], ice [crystal methamphetamine], ecstasy, crack cocaine, and other substances such as prescription drugs (anti-depressants) and pain medications. Participants also said that men controlled women's access to or use of drugs so as to maintain control over them.
Participants elaborated: It has a lot to do with controlling the women, he has to melt down the drug for you, and have you take it. That's control; they have access to something that is vital to you" (Makani).
Patriarchal gender relations: "Titahs …. bull dogs, pit bulls and pig hunting"
Participants referred to the patriarchal views about female and male roles within their communities, and how these norms shape societal responses to violence. They explained that when these roles are challenged, for example when local women are seen as 'tough/titahs,' men are encouraged to be 'even more male,' to reinstate their power over women, resulting in violence.
The local women are probably as strong or if not stronger than the men. It's not unusual. They call them titahs, tough women, the kind you don't want to have a confrontation with. So men are like, to be with this kind of a tough female, you [men] gotta be tougher, testosterone times ten. You know. Hence the bull dogs, the pit bulls, the, you know, uh, the pig hunting. All these real male kind of stuff (Meli)
Men don't like it when they feel you are stronger than them. He said to me: "Oh your voice is so rough and gruffy, you think you're the man. You're not the man in the relationship, I am." I never said that I thought that I was the man. But for some reason they get this idea that you're trying to be overpowering, overbearing, and controlling (Lana).
Women's responses to IPV and finding recourse
For women experiencing IPV, finding recourse was difficult. Their interviews highlighted various barriers such as women's own sense of self-worth, family values and attitudes towards IPV, lack of accessible services and long term housing/shelter, lack of legal protection, cost of legal services, discriminatory attitudes of prosecutors and service providers, poverty and lack of jobs, and social welfare. The following section presents these results under different themes.
Self-worth and identity: "There is no chance at being normal"
The participants felt they had no control over their lives and felt trapped in their situation. Violence was an internalized and normalized aspect of their lives. Some women spoke about going from one abusive relationship to another, often feeling a low sense of self-worth. Their identity was often bound to the relationship and/or their partner as can be noted in these excerpts:
Because of that initial relationship with [partner's name] I never developed an identity of my own. You know … a healthy identity of my own. And I was abused during that seven years and that led me to become even more dependent on somebody. After he broke my face, broke my nose, I broke up with him, and the next day I went and hooked up with another dude. Because I was getting beat up all the time, and, and then all you know is there is no chance at being normal (Laka).
My identity is so tied up in having him. In my opinion, this is what I've learned, like, it's so scary to be by myself, that I would rather be with him and take the abuse (Kaila).
Family values and attitudes: "Mom's house is not a retreat center"
Participants attempting to leave an abusive relationship faced many challenges, one of which is the inability to find safe temporary accommodation for themselves and their children. Some women also reported that their families failed to understand the seriousness of her situation until 'he showed up with a gun.'
My brother said that "mom's house is not a retreat center" and my sister said, "here I'll give you this van, leave your baby. Just don't come around" (Eleu).
His family's there but they never participated in anything. When I tell them what's going on, they don't get it. They were going with this 'tough love' thing until he showed up at their house with a gun. And they were just like I was making up this thing and exaggerating (Kaila).
Lack of services and supports: "All alone in the world"
Participants said that when they were attempting to leave abusive relationships, and they needed safe temporary accommodation for themselves and their children in the short-term, more permanent housing in the long-term, and access funds to support their families and begin legal proceedings for separation. Women's shelters provided temporary accommodation, which did not allow sufficient time to find permanent housing. Participants said they ended up going back to their abuser, moving in with family and friends, living in tents, or moving from place to place many times until they were able to find a place of their own.
They (shelter) were helpful but after they sent you on your way you didn't hear nothin' from nobody and you just felt like you were all alone in the world. They should have some kind of support groups outside the shelter so that women can come and go, so, they don't feel like they are alone dealing with it (Kei).
I give thanks for being courageous enough to get on the land with the children, we lived in a tent for two years (Kei).
Lack of accessibility to services: "Living in the middle of nowhere"
Problems with access to services discouraged women from seeking formal supports and services. For example, one woman reported her attempts to access housing supports in the following way: About a year ago I remember calling the number for the housing [support], and it rang and rang and rang and nobody answered. Then I called the number for housing [support] on the other side of the island, and they said, "Oh someone should be there, try again." And so I tried and tried and there was nothing and there was no answering machine, and I never tried again for, like a year (Alana).
In some areas, lack of transportation and long distances to health and social service agencies made some participants feel as if they were living in the 'middle of nowhere.'
Here you're totally isolated. Way up in the middle of nowhere and no car, no help, no friends, it's very, very hard (Kei).
Services and services providers' negative attitudes: "Now everybody is starting their women on fire"
Some services and service providers were seen as also contributing towards promoting gendered notions about IPV and creating negative attitudes about IPV. Some program facilitators and prosecutors were seen as sexist and encouraging negative attitudes about women. Women's support groups too were seen as partial to men and failing to help women leave abusive relationships.
I think they [the service providers] are incompetent. xxxx is awful he's re-victimizing victims an encouraging domestic violence in his xxxx classes [with abusive men]. I mean these guys are graduating [from these classes] with better ways to beat their girlfriend up, you know, they are like, "oh dude I am going to try that!" and they share their stories and then next thing, you know, there was one guy in the class who started a girl on fire and now everybody is starting their women on fire, you know what I mean? It's like they are sharing techniques (Lea).
The prosecution's office told me because I was stripper I deserved to get beat up. (Lea)
Support group wasn't helpful at all. Because it was bunch a women going "oh let's pray for the abuser" you know? This wasn't helping, it wasn't changing the situation. They thought they were doing what God was calling them to do (Kaila).
Legal barriers: "Why don't you have any proof?"
Some participants described the legal system limits women's options for leaving an abusive relationship. Having to bear the burden of proof, prosecutors' lack of sensitivity towards women's experiences (e.g., being required to face their abusive partner in open court), high lawyers' fees discouraged women from seeking legal services.
Then they make it very hard in court. When they call a restraining order hearing what they do is [pause] before the session you're both sitting out there! [Long pause] it's very intimidating. So you don't wanna go through with-ya know? It's like a lot of women drop it at that point because they don't wanna go through that [long pause then sigh] so there's a lot of things procedurally [wrong] with the restraining order (Kaila).
I spent probably spent 100,000 dollars. 'I'm hiring a new attorney today that-wants ten thousand upfront. I'm completely broke, he is providing no medical support, no childcare, no spousal support, you know in fact he's suing me for things in court, claiming I need to pay his lawyer fee and you know it just it goes on and on and on' (Kaila).
The Even the attorneys are like "you're a stupid woman, you know? Why don't you have any proof?" (Eleu).
Even when they sought legal redress they felt it was not it was unfair, as men received lenient and/or short sentences. Women reported feeling discouraged because the legal system treated IPV as different from other type of inter-personal violence, taking a more a lenient attitude. Some said they had heard comments such as "it's always better to have two parents" and "just because he is abuser he is not a bad parent." They had very little faith in a legal system that they felt wrongfully protected 'father's rights' even when the father "is a proven abuser and/or addict."
There're very few lawyers that understand domestic violence, there're even fewer judges that understand…domestic violence. You say things like, it was emotional abuse, they're like "pffff" you know? Even the judge here is looking at it going "so he threatened to kill you. That's not reason for a restraining order." It's like okay if I was a stranger walked up to you and said I was gonna kill you You'd come and arrest [him?] But because I'm married to this man he can say that and that's not considered a threat (Kaila2).
So, the police picked him up, he went to jail, he went to court, and the judge let him go, no nothing, no fine, no imprisonment, nothing! (Ele).
He went to jail for three days, what's the f*****g point? (Laka).
Our legal system seems to think that just because one spouse is trying to kill another doesn't mean he is a bad parent; I would say trying to kill the mother is a pretty good start for being a bad parent (Lana).
Cycle of abuse and poverty: "There's no help"
Many women who experienced IPV were reliant on their male partners for money; some had been away from work for a long time and found they lacked employable skills to get a job. Even though they needed support while trying to find work and become independent, lack of social welfare meant women having to go back or to remain entrapped in a vicious cycle of abuse and poverty.
I thought my money would last a lot longer but one it's very expensive to live [here] I couldn't get places to rent because I don't have a job, and then they want to do a credit check and the first thing is they ask you is employment, if you're not employed they don't wanna….Itit's just really…difficult (Kaila).
Poverty is such a problem. Women can't get away even if they wanted to, because there's nothing (Alana).
You know why they go back? There's no help, there's no job, there's nowhere to live, the legal system is against you (Kaila).
Discussion
This is one of the first qualitative studies on IPV in Hilo, Hawai'i capturing the perspectives of women who have lived experiences of IPV. Our interviews with a small yet diverse sample of female participants revealed that, IPV was considered commonplace and a societal norm. IPV was seen as part of larger problem in these disadvantaged communities that are prone to substance abuse. Out of the women interviewed, 7 belonged to the low socio-economic class.
Language: en |